Archive for June, 2008

Jun 30 2008

An invitation to participate in the creation of a new Revolutionary Socialist Organisation

This text was voted on and passed at a meeting in London on Sunday 29th June. A Steering Committee was also elected.

      The purpose of this document is to launch a regroupment process, which will culminate in a conference after a period of discussion. It registers the most important areas of agreement we have achieved at the beginning of this discussion. There are other areas, not included, which will have to be the subject of further discussion.

1. This is a proposal made by members of the International Socialist Group (ISG), Socialist Resistance (SR), a group of former members of the SWP and some independent Marxists not presently in any organisation. It is an invitation to everyone who would be interested in establishing a new revolutionary organisation based on an understanding of the need for Marxists to build a revolutionary organisation and to work for the widest unity of the working class on economic, social and political issues.

2. We propose a regroupment, based on our common traditions as active revolutionary socialists. This proposal emerges from practical collaboration over the recent period in building Respect. We also appeal to independent revolutionaries and new militants to join us.

3. We hope that a process of discussion throughout this year will culminate in a founding conference to be held towards the end of this year.

4. We have a shared analysis of the nature of class society and how it can be changed. Capitalism is an outmoded system which cannot satisfy even the most basic needs of billions of the world’s population. The further advance of humanity and the protection of the environment from catastrophe can only be achieved by the creation of a socialist society.

5. The capitalist state cannot be reformed but has to be overthrown and replaced by a workers’ state. This revolutionary act can only be carried out by the working class, the only agency that can transform society.

6. The emancipation of the working class is the task of the working class itself, acting as a class in its own interests. Socialism cannot be achieved from above by reformist politicians or trade union leaders. The struggle for socialism is international; the struggle of workers and the oppressed everywhere is one struggle.

7. We recognize that capitalism uses the oppression of certain social groups to divide the working class. The organisations of the working class must constantly strive to overcome any divisions by advancing the causes of these oppressed groups. We oppose all forms of oppression and defend the right of the oppressed to self-organization. We support, and will participate in, the struggles against national oppression, women’s oppression, racism and Islamophobia and against homophobia.

8. What existed in the “communist bloc” was not socialism. It was a Stalinist perversion of socialism; a dictatorship that brutally oppressed all political opposition, suppressed workers’ rights and trampled on workers’ democracy. Socialism cannot exist except with the extension of democracy so that the working class collectively takes the decisions about the future of its new society.

9. The dominant ideas of the present society are those of the capitalist class. For the revolution to succeed the most militant workers and their allies have to be organised into a revolutionary organisation which challenges and confronts that ideology with one in the interests of the new socialist society.

10. The revolutionary organisation must be part of the working class and take part in the life and struggles of the working class and the oppressed. It seeks to absorb the lessons of working-class struggles from the past and from today. It must give guidance and perspective to its members in their activity in the workplace, communities and campaigns. Theoretical study and discussion serve as a guide to the practical work of the organisation. In this way we can test our ideas in practice and learn from our experience.

11. Any revolutionary organization must be democratic, including the right to organize around minority viewpoints, but must aim to act in a unified manner. Socialist democracy is the only way to develop a genuine political leadership of the working class and its allies.

12. We believe that the decline of the Labour Party and the disintegration of its mass base present the best opportunity for many decades to build a viable alternative to the left of Labour. The signatories of this appeal have been working together as revolutionaries and with others to build such a party. We believe that the building of a united party of the working class is one of the overarching strategic tasks for revolutionary socialists in this period. The role of revolutionary Marxists in helping to build Respect over the next period will be an important one.

13. We state clearly our commitment to building a revolutionary socialist organisation, which will locate itself in working-class struggle – in the workplace, in the community, amongst the oppressed and in the broad party.

14. We are internationalists, against imperialism and war; we stand for mass action from below in the interests of the working class; we do not set ourselves apart from the working class and its organisations but seek the broadest agreement with others, using the methods of the united-front. Our aim is both to advance the interests of the class and the ideas of revolutionary socialism. To these ends we will explore the possibility of links with other revolutionaries internationally.

15. This document is intended only as a preliminary text. We invite all those who are interested in the ideas outlined above to join us in a process of discussion.

For more information or to become involved e-mail

revolutionaryregroupment@googlemail.com

or visit

http://revolutionaryregroupment.wordpress.com

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Jun 30 2008

The Communist Party’s assessment

Published by admin under Left debates, Video

Ivan Beavis of the Communist Party of Britain speaks at the Socialist Resistance seminar on broad parties. He begins by saying:

He’s not seeking to take power because the role of the Communist Party in Britain was defined by Lenin as that of acting within the mass party of the working class, the Labour Party and within the mass organisations of the working class.

It is Communist Party policy that they should be part of the Labour Party and they were part of it until they were expelled in the 1920s. They do not seek to supplant the Labour Party….

 

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Jun 25 2008

Voices for the working class in the 21st century - agenda

A fascinating day of discussion and debate on building broad left parties across Europe

Saturday June 28th 10.30 – 6.00 ULU Malet St London – nearest Tube Goodge St.

Tickets10 pounds waged five pounds unwaged (two pounds students)

Across Europe working people are looking for a political alternative. Their traditional parties have become parties of the rich. This conference will look at the experiences of socialist from across Europe in building new political voices for the working class.

Opening plenary 11.00

Penny Duggan – LCR.

Miguel Reis - Left Block.

Andrej Hunko - Die Linke.

Angelo Cardone – Sinistra Critica

 

Lunch – 1.00

 

First round of workshops - 2.00

The German experience - Andej Hunko

The Portuguese experience - Miguel Reis

The LCR new party project - Penny Duggan

The emergence of Sinistra Critica – Angelo Cardone

 

Second plenary - 3.30

Willem Bos - Dutch Socialist Party.

Nick Wrack – Respect

Ivan Beavis – Communist Party of Britain

Joseph Healy – Green left

 

Second round of workshops – 4.30

The CPB approach – Ivan Beavis

The Dutch experience – Willem Bos

Building Respect - Kevin Ovenden

Green parties in Europe – Joseph Healy

End 6.00

Speaker profiles

Penny Duggan. Penny is a leading member of the LCR in Paris. She was a recently candidate on the “100% a gauche” list in both local and national elections in the 20th district of Paris. She is involved in the current LCR campaign for a new anti-capitalist party in France and will speak on the current stage of this remarkable campaign and the prospects for it.

Andrej Hunko. Andrej is a member of the board of Die Linke in Northrhine-Westfalia and a supporter of the left-wing current inside Die Linke – the Antikapitalistische Linke. He is a long-standing activist of the German anti-war movement and the movement against public service cuts. He will talk about the importance of the emergence of Die Linke and the way it is developing.

Miguel Reis. Miguel is a leading member of the Portuguese Left Block. He will speak on how this important organization of the Portuguese and European left has been built and successes it has achieved in the electoral and other fields.

Angelo Cardone. Angelo is a member of Sinistra Critica (the Critical Left) which left Rifondazione Communista after it joined the pro-capitalist Prodi government. He will talk both this deeply negative experience and of the success of the Critical Left in establishing itself as an independent organization.

Willem Bos. Willem is a long-standing activist of the Dutch left and a member of the Socialist Party. He will be speaking in a personal capacity about his experiences in this important and successful party of the left.

Nick Wrack. Nick is the National Secretary of Respect. He will be speaking in a personal capacity on the struggle for an effective left alternative to new Labour.

Joseph Healy. Joseph is a member of the Green left and will speak on the European Green parties.

Ivan Beavis. Ivan will be speaking as a member of the executive committee of the CBP on its approach to broad left parties. He is also the circulation manager of the Morning Star.

Kevin Ovenden. Kevin is a member of the Respect national council and works for George Galloway MP. He will be introducing a workshop on building Respect.

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Jun 21 2008

Voices for the working class in the 21st century

Published by admin under Left debates, Upcoming events

flyer1

A fascinating day of discussion and debate on building broad left parties across Europe

Saturday June 28th 10.30 – 6.00 - ULU Malet St. London – nearest Tubes Goodge St or Russell Sq.

Across Europe working people are looking for a political alternative. Their traditional parties have become parties of the rich. This conference will look at the experiences of socialist from across Europe in building new political voices for the working class.

Book now: Tickets are 10 pounds waged / five pounds unwaged / two pounds students. Pay to/order from "Resistance", PO Box 1109 London N4 2UU or email contact@socialistresistance.net


Plenary speakers:

Penny Duggan. Penny is a leading member of the LCR in Paris. She was a recently candidate on the “100% a gauche” list in both local and national elections in the 20th district of Paris. She is involved in the current LCR campaign for a new anti-capitalist party in France and will speak on the current stage of this remarkable campaigns and the prospects for it.

Andrej Hunko. Andrej is a member of the board of Die Linke in Northrhine-Westfalia and a supporter of the left-wing current inside Die Linke – the Antikapitalistische Linke. He is a long-standing activist of the German anti-war movement and the movement against public service cuts. He will talk about the importance of the emergence of Die Linke and the way it is developing.

Miguel Reis. Miguel is a leading member of the Portuguese Left Bloc. He will speak on how this important organization of the Portuguese and European left has been built and successes it has achieved in the electoral and other fields.

Willem Bos. Willem is a long-standing activist of the Dutch left and member of the Socialist Party. He will be speaking about the experiences of this important and successful party of the left (in a personal capacity).

Nick Wrack. Nick is the National Secretary of Respect. He will be speaking in a personal capacity on the struggle for an effective left alternative to new Labour.

Joseph Healy. Joseph is a member of the Green Left and will speak on the European green parties.

Communist Party of Britain: The CPB is sending a speaker to introduce on where the CPB stands on the need for a new party of the and on its pamphlet The Fight for a Mass Party of Labour. Name to be announced as son as received.

Kevin Ovenden: Kevin Ovenden is a member of Respect’s national council, and works for George Galloway MP.


Workshops: There will be workshops on: The German experience; the Portuguese experience; the LCR initiative, The CPB approach; the Dutch Socialist Party; building Respect.

Why attend? There is clearly a very interesting and important discussion to be had about experience of building broad left parties.Many socialists have rightly championed the idea of building broad anti-capitalist parties as social democracy have move ever further right. There have been difficulties and setbacks, however. In Brazil the long march of the Workers Party (PT) to the right has culminated with the ‘social-liberal’ Lula government. In Italy Rifondazione Comunista turned away from its championing of the global justice movement and went into a pro-capitalist government, and paid for it with a split and electoral wipeout.
Against these defeat the Left Bloc in Portugal has been extremely successful - maintaining an anti-capitalist perspective and representation in parliament. In countries like Denmark and the Netherlands broad left parties have enjoyed considerable success, as has Die Linke (Left Party) in Germany.
Socialist Resistance has since its formation has strongly argued for the building of a broad anti-capitalist party in England and Wales. It is involved in Building Respect today. But in the context of the new world economic crisis is this perspective still valid? What are the implications for a new party of the left. And what role does ecosocialism have in the perspectives and practice of the militant left? These and many more questions will be raised and discussed at the seminar.


Book now: Tickets are 10 pounds waged / five pounds unwaged / two pounds students. Pay to/order from "Resistance", PO Box 1109 London N4 2UU or email contact@socialistresistance.net

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Jun 18 2008

The National Health Service at sixty

Published by admin under NHS, Video

Socialist Resistance supporter John Lister was recently invited to speak in Belfast on the National Health Service. This is the video of his talk.

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Jun 18 2008

Sixty years since the Nakba - public meeting

imageJuly’s Socialist Resistance London forum looks at the sixty years since the state of Israel was proclaimed.

You can download the flyer here.

Its foundational myths are that the Zionist colonisers were Davids fighting a Goliath, compelled by the Holocaust to carve out a haven of safety, with no desire to force out the indigenous Palestinians who departed voluntarily.

But that falsity has been exposed. The opening up of official records has revealed that 1948 was in fact a brutal act of mass ethnic cleansing.


The Palestinians call 1948 the Nakba (catastrophe)

Indian YMCA, 41 Fitzroy Square,
London, W1 (Warren St tube)
Wednesday 9 July @ 7.30pm

 

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Jun 15 2008

Counter-revolutionary offensive in Latin America

Published by admin under Latin America

This article by Phil Hearse will appear in the Summer 2008 edition of Socialist Resistance which is out soon.

A counter-revolutionary offensive in Latin America is gathering pace as the left-wing tide of the early and middle parts of the decade falters. In 2002-5, diverted by the war in Iraq, US imperialism took its eye off the ball and was outflanked by the leftward development of the Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela and by the election of the Evo Morales’ MAS (Movement towards Socialism) government in Bolivia. However since 2006, the revanchist right, backed up by huge amounts of US money and political support, has been fighting hard for the overthrow of Evo Morales and Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez. In both countries crucial questions of left-wing strategy are posed by these developments.

Bolivian referendum

On 8 May Evo Morales declared a referendum on the future of the government for August 10. The prefects of the country’s regional departments will also have to submit themselves to a popular vote on that day. This is a make-or-break strategy in which Morales is hoping to reinforce his position as well as deal the right-wing opposition – who hold several regional prefectures – a major blow.

But taking the struggle onto the terrain of a referendum or bourgeois democracy in general is an extremely dangerous tactic for it is normally the strongest terrain of the right and the ruling class. It is also the one most open to manipulation by right-wing forces who control most of the means of mass communication. This was a major mistake of the Sandinistas in Nicaragua that led to their overthrow in 1992. That the referendum gambit is an uncertain one is shown by the defeat of Hugo Chávez’s referendum on constitutional reform on 5 December last year.

Morales and the MAS-led government have adopted the referendum tactic because of the pressure imposed by the pro-autonomy vote in Santa Cruz, a virtual declaration of unilateral independence by this gas-rich and white-dominated province. The rightist leaders of Santa Cruz organised this illegal referendum on the back of a racist campaign against Morales and the indigenous population. Claiming ‘they want to dominate us’ the campaigners demanded the right to dispose of the Santa Cruz gas profits for their own exclusive use.

Santa Cruz is one of several ‘Media Luna’ (half moon) states that surround the centre of the country in a semi-circle. In all of them the rightist leaders advance the demand for autonomy. If their campaign succeeds it is easy to foresee a similar demand being raised in the oil-rich Venezuelan province of Zulia as a means to attack the Bolivarian revolution.

The political space for the right-wing offensive has been created by the stalled transition in Bolivia. This centres on two major questions. First, the Morales government has ruled out any move towards socialist transition in favour of the creation of ‘Andean capitalism’. This means that the 2006 ‘nationalisation’ of the country’s hydrocarbon resources amounted only to a renegotiation of the tax revenues of the transnational corporations that retain effective control of those resources.

Second, the attempt by Morales and the MAS government to effect progressive constitutional change through the constituent assembly came to nothing. The government buckled to right-wing opposition and conceded a veto on major changes to the right-led regional departments.

What is being tested in Bolivia is an attempt to carry out major reforms in the interests of the poor and indigenous majority within the framework of capitalism, in the epoch of neoliberalism. The danger is that the MAS has aroused the monster of counter-revolution while lacking the means to kill it.

Bolivian vice-president Álvaro Garcia Linares has accused the US government of funding the secessionist movement and there is little doubt that organisations like the National Endowment for Democracy and the US Agency for International Development (USAID) are deeply involved in the promotion of the Latin American right – spending for example, $26 million on the 2006 presidential election in Venezuela.

Bolivarian revolution under attack

On May 23 the likely next president of the United States, Barack Obama, accused Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez of ‘degrading’ Venezuela’s democratic institutions and said he would ‘fully support’ the counter-revolutionary war being waged by the Colombian government against the left-wing FARC guerrilla movement. Thus, once again, Obama signalled to the US ruling class his loyalty to their interests and his intention to stay within the political mainstream.

His statement comes at a time when the Bolivarian revolution is going through a very difficult period. This difficulty was most dramatically signalled by the defeat of the December 2007 referendum on constitutional reform. Most analyses of this defeat point to the ‘stay-at-home’ factor – the refusal of hundreds of thousands of previously pro-Chávez voters in the poor areas to come out and vote. An analysis of that problem is crucial to understanding the weaknesses of the Bolivarian process (see below).

The contradictory pressures facing the revolution can be summed up in three key areas: a) the self-organisation and political confidence of the workers movement and the poor b) the class struggle and the reactionary offensive of the right c) the strategy, or rather lack of it, in the government and workers movement for a transition to socialism.

In an important recent article Kiraz Janicke and Frederico Fuentes (1) point out that the movement for workers control or co-management has been rolled back and the union movement is significantly weaker than three years ago, with the very promising UNT (National Union of Workers) weakened by internal conflicts. At the root of these were debates over the attitude towards the Chávez government and class independence. These debates go through the Bolivarian movement as a whole.

Against these negative signs, popular participation in the PSUV (Venezuelan United Socialist Party) continues at a high level. Some 80,000 participated in the elections for the party’s new leadership, elections which saw the defeat of some important rightist or ‘moderate’ figures. Moreover Hugo Chávez has recently taken some important steps. On March 15 he announced the nationalisation of a dairy processing plant and a large chain of slaughterhouses, actions that gave the state sector control of 40% of milk processing and 70% of meat processing. In addition the whole of the cement industry has been nationalised.

On April 3 Chávez announced the nationalisation of the SIDOR steel plant, the scene of a 15-month struggle between the workers and the plant owners Tachint, a joint Italian-Argentinian transnational. In this struggle the workers were brutally attacked by the national guard, and the bosses were supported by the minister of labour and the local ‘ Chávista’ state governor Francisco Rangel Gomez. The former accused the workers of being ‘counter-revolutionary’. Only with the intervention of Chávez and vice-president Ramon Carrizalez did the government clearly take the side of the workers.

This is symbolic of the strategic problems of the Venezuelan revolution as a whole. The Bolivarian movement is not united; it has a reformist and bureaucratic wing, deeply entrenched in the national and state governments, that does not want to go beyond reforms within capitalism. At the same time neither within the unions nor the PUSV is there a clearly elaborated strategy for socialist transition, a plan to deepen workers control or a plan for anti-capitalist structural reforms within the economy that would radically change the position of the poor.

According to Fuentes and Janicke, “…another feature of the union movement, particularly striking in the context of the radical social changes in Venezuela, is the lack of a strategy aimed at deepening the Bolivarian process towards the construction of socialism and genuine workers control.

“This is reflected by the overwhelmingly economist nature of their demands. As Canadian Marxist academic Michael Lebowitz puts it, ‘their whole orientation towards higher wages and a tendency to act like a labour aristocracy in a society where so many people are poor.’

“The UNT, like the CTV before it, has largely avoided any attempt to organise workers in the informal sector, focusing overwhelmingly on the demands of the most privileged layer of Venezuelan workers. This has led to a disjuncture between the organised trade union movement and the masses of poor Venezuelans who form the backbone of the Bolivarian revolution.”

The heart of the matter

The position of the poor is the heart of the matter for the Bolivarian process. One recent estimate put the number of workers in the informal sector at 47% of the total. That is symptomatic of a country riven with poverty and class divisions. The most optimistic projections say that something like 27% of the people in the country still live in poverty, despite important gains in health and literacy and the effects of poverty-reduction programmes. It is the poor in the informal sector who are the main victims of the sabotage of the oligarchy and the right, for example the food shortages engineered by hoarding, unmasked by the government early this year.

The government’s poverty-reduction programmes have been undertaken with oil revenues at a time of very high oil prices. Revolutionising the position of the poor would mean breaking the power and wealth of the oligarchic elite, whose position is based on revenues from the oil industry and on services industries that ultimately depend on the oil sector.

No successful strategy can be worked out without answering fundamental questions. For example, which class is in power and what is the nature of the government? These are questions that many sectors of the international left struggle with. Socially the dominant class is the capitalist class and, paradoxically, under Chávez they have been enjoying boom conditions as the oil price rockets.

Poverty reduction and health care as well as literacy campaigns are important but they do not address the heart of the matter and they cannot radically change the situation of the poor. The Chávez government is a radical reforming government that fights under the banner of socialism but lacks a strategy to conquer power. It is not what Marxists have referred to historically as a ‘workers government’ – it could only become such a government by mobilising the workers, the poor and the peasants for the conquest of power.

But that means a level of mobilisation and self-organisation that has not been achieved today, despite the hundreds of thousands of Bolivarian faithful who turned out in Caracas on May day. It could only be turned around by dynamising the Bolivarian process with a direct appeal to break the power of the oligarchic bourgeoisie, economically and socially.

The present situation of a stalled transition is very dangerous. A failure to transform the situation of the poor leads to resignation and demoralisation – and it was this factor that ensured Chávez’s defeat in last year’s referendum. The reactionary mobilisation of the right aided by imperialism feeds off this demoralisation and apathy and can even create cynicism and make direct political gains in popular sectors.

The defeat of the Bolivarian process would be a traumatic and probably very bloody affair, with terrible consequences for the left, the working class and the poor – and demoralising consequences for the left internationally. Only by a radical change in direction can this danger be overcome.

Regional dynamic

The harbinger of the regional counter-revolutionary offensive was the US-aided electoral fraud in Mexico in July 2006, which kept out the ‘centre-left’ presidential candidate Manuel Lopez Obrador. This was rapidly followed by the brutal military suppression of the protest movement in the state of Oaxaca, which had occupied the state capital in protest at the corruption of the state’s right-wing governor. The fraudulent election of the right-wing Felipe Calderon of the National Action Party (PAN) was important for the US, as it stemmed the tide of left and leftish governments rising in Latin America.

Venezuela and Bolivia have broken the regional isolation of Cuba and created a new dynamic in Latin America and internationally. Whichever candidate becomes the next US president, the reactionary offensive will continue. A key part of that offensive will be aid to military operation in Colombia against the FARC, especially along the border with Venezuela.

As in much of Latin America the oligarchic bourgeoisie and important sections of the middle class in both Bolivia and Venezuela are driven by reactionary hatred of the poor, the workers, the indigenous and the peasants. In the next period they will pose the question of government, probably violently. The poor and the oppressed need to return the compliment by posing the question of power.

(1) Kiraz Janicke and Federico Fuentes, Venezuela’s labour movement at the crossroads, www.venezuelanalysis.com

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Jun 14 2008

Greg Tucker - thanks

Published by admin under Socialist Resistance News

I would like to thank all those comrades who sent flowers, cards, emails and letters of condolence, and posted supportive blogs, in response to Greg’s untimely death.

I would particularly like to thank Terry for all her support during his difficult illness and for her help in arranging the Funeral and Wake.

As most people know, it is many years since Greg and I were in political agreement and I am not one to engage in the kind of bullshit that pretends to have always respected the dead person’s views – but I did respect his right to hold them and I miss the arguments we had about them. Notwithstanding our differences, it has to be said that I more than anyone knew that his commitment to the FI and to Internationalism was absolute, and I am well aware that you have lost one of your leading comrades. The cause of revolutionary socialism is all the weaker for that loss.

Greg was so pleased that he managed to attend the ISG Conference at the end of March and, while neither of us expected his death to come about just a short week later, he knew that it was probably the last one he would be able to get to and he wanted so much to be there – and to be able to participate in your discussions. He really hated the fact that the nature of his illness prevented him from pointing out the error of your ways – or maybe even agreeing with what was being said! (as so many people remarked during his illness, it was a cruel irony that someone who spent so much of his life on his feet making speeches and expounding his views should have had that power taken away from him) – but at least he got there and, as someone pointed out at the Wake, even managed to make a point of order on how you should be proceeding.

Tim and I are investigating dedicating a bench (and possibly also planting a tree) in Kennington Park in Greg’s name and hope that that all his friends and comrades will join us in commemorating him when this can be arranged – at the moment we’re tentatively aiming for the end of September. Greg was particularly fond of the Park, not just because we happened to live opposite, but because of its historic connections with working class agitation and struggle. One of the many facts about it he enjoyed pointing out to people was that, when the Common was enclosed as a reaction to the 1848 Chartist demonstrations, the trees were specially planted in an attempt to prevent future mass mobilisations assembling here to march on Parliament…

Greg was a rarity – a revolutionary socialist committed to improving the lives of working people in the here and now, not just when the socialist millennium dawns, as I know the many RMT members he represented at Waterloo, and the many local people he helped when he was a local councillor, can attest to. There are too few like him.He is sorely missed.

Joan and Tim Twelves

[Greg’s partner and son]

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Jun 12 2008

New Socialist Resistance out soon

Published by admin under Publications

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Jun 08 2008

Respect - what is it?

Published by admin under Respect

This article by Nick Wrack will appear in the Summer edition of Socialist Resistance.

The acronym for Respect – Respect, Equality, Socialism, Peace, Environment, Community and Trade Unionism – is a little contrived, to say the least. But I like it. It locates the party in a particular political tradition, clearly of the left and identifying itself absolutely with the organised working class in the trade unions. Even with reduced union membership of 7.5 million members, this is still potentially the most powerful force in British society.

At Respect’s inception in January 2004 and in the years following, the P for peace was perhaps its most important political rallying call. Respect rightly emphasised this aspect of its programme, in order to give voice to the widespread anti-war sentiment. It was especially successful in winning support among Muslim voters in east London and Birmingham.

Over time, however, the war in Iraq has receded as an issue, although it looms large in the background and still has the capacity to force its way to the fore. In fact, Respect has an extensive programme on the whole array of political, economic and social issues normally dealt with by a political party. If it is to develop, Respect has to develop this wider political programme and ensure that its potential supporters know what that programme is.

The seven words of the acronym in fact sum up the political programme of Respect extremely succinctly. They indicate an aspiration for a better, more equal society, one free of exploitation, in which there is no discrimination on the basis of colour or creed; where there is no privileged or superior class lording it over everyone else.

Words like ‘respect’, ‘equality’, ‘peace’, ‘environment’ and ‘community’ could, of course, be used by any political party. Even New Labour and the Tories will claim to be in favour of peace despite having voted for war. Every politician will say they are in favour of ‘respect’ and of advancing the interests of the ‘community’. Which politician is going to say that people should be treated unequally? And nowadays it is axiomatic that every party is green, claiming to be concerned about the environment.

What makes these words have a very specific meaning in the acronym, however, is the fact that Respect is clearly identified as a working-class party. This immediately gives a specific ‘class’ content to words that would otherwise be vague abstract nouns, with little content, capable of meaning everything and nothing.

The first task of everyone in Respect is to build it as a party that stands for and defends working-class interests.

There will be progressively-minded people from the middle classes and even a few rich individuals who share our hatred of war, oppression, poverty and inequality and who will identify with the programme of Respect. But the starting political standpoint of Respect is to advance the interests of the working-class.

In this context, the words in the acronym become much clearer. We are talking about ‘respect’ for millions of working-class people who get none from the political classes. New Labour, especially, has taken a deliberate decision to disregard Labour’s traditional core working-class voters and to concentrate instead on trying to win the middle classes. What it fails to appreciate, however, is that its working-class base cannot be taken for granted forever. And more and more middle-class voters are finding they face problems that the neo-liberal policies of New Labour cannot solve – inflation, the credit crunch, the housing crisis, declining public services caused by privatisation and more.

‘Equality’ must mean more than fighting against racist, sexist and all types of discrimination, which is a position claimed now even by David Cameron’s conservatives. ‘Equality’ has almost become the great taboo word of political discourse. Everyone waxes on about ‘equality of opportunity’, while doing nothing to create the conditions for it to exist. But the idea of creating equality in society is one none of the mainstream parties argue for. It is now a position shared by of all of them that there is nothing wrong with inequality in itself. All the state should do, they reason, is to provide a very basic safety net for those at the very bottom and create ‘opportunity’ for those to get themselves out of this position.

For Respect, ‘equality’ has a much wider meaning – of trying to establish a society in which everyone is equal; where there is no division between rich and poor, the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’.

Thatcher famously said, ‘there is no such thing as society’ and she set about trying to prove just that by smashing up mining communities in the great strike of 1984-5. When Respect champions ‘community’, it is clearly understood to mean working-class communities and minority ethnic communities, those that suffer disproportionately from poor housing, unemployment and bad health – all problems stemming from poverty.

Most working-class people understand from their own experience that they live in a society divided sharply be class. There is an intuitive, if not scientific, understanding that the wealth of the richest in society is achieved only through the exploitation of the vast majority. While a few hundred thousand of Britain’s richest people enjoy a life without worry, millions of workers and their families live from week to week struggling to pay bills or to afford a holiday. Those millions are only ever a week or, at most, a few months away from poverty. Over-extended in credit, with mounting inflation and rising interest rates, most ordinary people are forced to work harder and for longer each week to make ends meet.

While newspapers, TV and films try to sell the mirage that anyone can achieve the lifestyle of the rich and famous, most understand how far-fetched this is. For ordinary working-class people there is no way out of the daily struggle to bring up their families. Only collective struggle at work or in the community can advance the interests of each individual.

Unfortunately, there are very few, if any, real examples of collective struggle to look to in contemporary Britain. The last great experience of collective working-class industrial struggle was the miners’ strike in 1984-5, over 23 years ago. In 1989-91, the anti-poll tax campaign, in which 14 million refused to pay the unfair and regressive tax, showed how collective struggle could defeat a hated attack on working-class people.

We now have generations who have not experienced such class struggle and solidarity. The lessons of collective struggle are, for the majority of people in Britain under the age of thirty-five, unlearned. It will only be on the basis of new struggles that working-class solidarity, in support of fellow workers in struggle, will be experienced firsthand.

But history is replete with examples of working-class struggle in Britain and internationally. While the class struggle is temporarily at a low point in Britain, and has been for a long time, we can look to other countries to see sharp struggles taking place. The experience of working-class people must be a shared one, learning from successes and defeats.

Today, we are only just beginning to see the first flexing of the collective muscles of public sector trade unionists over pay claims. After years of defeat and a feeling of weakness, below-inflation pay offers are forcing workers to stir. It is unlikely that, after years of limited industrial struggle, trade unions will rush to launch all-out offensive battles. This depends on leadership as well as the fighting spirit of union members. But slowly, the class will begin to recover its strength and its confidence.

When workers go into struggle everything is transformed. There’s nothing like a fight of one group of workers to bring the rest of the class to its feet; not just cheering on from the side-lines, but actively involved in picket lines, demonstrations, fund-raising and other acts of solidarity. Though such things may seem off the horizon at the moment, there is no doubt that the horizon will come into sharp relief.

That is why Respect must be involved in every struggle that takes place, big or small. It is inevitable that big battles will take place. The role of socialists is to point to the need for change, and to show how change is possible.

Workers have understood for centuries that they have to be organised in the workplace, through trade unions. Without this basic organisation the bosses will trample on all aspects of workers’ lives – pay, conditions, pensions, health and safety.

Similarly, outside work, workers need to be organised politically. This was understood by the pioneers who set up the Labour Party at the end of the 19th Century. At that time, there were only two parties to vote for; the Tories and the Liberals. Both were parties of the bosses, the rich and the privileged. The Labour Party was created to give a voice for workers outside the workplace – to fight politically. There were inherent fault lines built into the fabric of the Labour Party from its inception, with the gradualism of the Fabians and the conservatism of sections of the trade union bureaucracy at odds with the aspiration for fundamental change that led many socialists and workers to support the Party. These contradictions have, so far, been resolved in favour of Labour’s liberal wing – New Labour – rather than the socialist.

So now we have a similar situation. New Labour, the Tories and the Liberals all represent the interests of the rich and privileged. They all defend an economic system that exploits workers to create vast profits which are only enjoyed by a tiny few. This system is capitalism. It exists for the benefit of the minority at the expense of the majority.

Respect stands opposed to the policies of neo-liberalism, which are supported by all three of the established parties. But there now needs to be a thorough discussion within Respect about what it stands for. To be against the policies of privatisation and pay restraint is absolutely essential. But we need to start saying what we are for. We cannot define ourselves just in terms of what we oppose.

We should not only be against the neo-liberal policies pursued in the interests of the capitalist class but against capitalism itself. And if we are, what do we want in its place?

This is where, for me, the key word in the acronym comes in. ‘Socialism’ has to be at the heart of Respect. This marks Respect out as being completely different from New Labour, the Tories, the Liberal Democrats and the Greens.

It states that we believe there is a different, better, way of organising society. Instead of the majority of society working to create wealth for a few, production would be for the interests of all. There would be democratic decision-making about how the resources of society would be used. Would we really decide to spend £75 billion pounds to create a new generation of nuclear weapons, which will never be used; or to give £12.5 billion in bonuses to a few hundred City workers? Or would that money, in a rational society, be spent on other things – care for the elderly, the sick, and the young; housing for all; sports facilities for young people?

Socialists want to change society fundamentally. Until we are strong enough to effect complete change, the working-class has to fight to defend what it has previously won, and to fight for further reform. Socialists must be the best fighters for reforms, while all the time explaining why we must go further. In this period of capitalism, it will be even harder for capitalism to deliver real reforms, which will only be won by the most determined struggle.

So long as capitalism exists working-class people will constantly have to fight for improvements to their daily existence. But every victory remains at risk until we create a society in which we do not need to constantly fight. So, while we fight for reforms, those fights must be linked to a more fundamental change in the way society is run – for a society run by, and in the interests of, the working-class.

Respect must present a vision of a different society. That must be its distinct appeal.

 

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