Socialism or Barbarism, the choice that Rosa Luxemburg presented to the German working class, from her prison cell in 1915, is as relevant today as it was then.

Clara Zetkin  wrote in 1923 that, “ fascism is the punishment inflicted on the proletariat for not having continued the revolution begun in Russia.”
The deepening crises of Global Capitalism lay down urgent challenges for the Socialist movement today. The present recession has contributed to 3 million officially unemployed in the UK, with 1 in 5 18 -25 year olds facing a desperate and jobless future. Further reports of bankruptcies continue to mar the job front, yet Gordon Brown attempts to pull the wool over our eyes by suggesting that we will have seen the worse of the recession by Xmas. A desperate claim made by a desperate and bankrupt leader.

Capitalist parties fight each other over offering a variety of public spending cuts, pay freezes and further plans for privatisation, as part of their election promises. What a choice they offer us, to be shot or hung. We reject both. The crises is one caused by Capitalism and working families should not have to pay the price for it.

The differences between bourgeois parties on these issues are paper thin. Profits can only be protected by increasing the rate of exploitation and attacking organised labour. Restrictions on civil liberties, through the recent reports of close monitoring of the movements of political activists, is further evidence of the State protecting the interest of Capital. The State is far from neutral and quite willing to drop the veneer of liberalism when required to do so. Democracy becomes a luxury , with profits being a priority. They argue that bankers’ bonuses must be protected no matter what.
As Daniel Guerin stated, in his book ‘ Fascism and big business ‘, “ fascism could be our punishment tomorrow if we let the hour of socialism pass.”
Over the past few years, we have seen New Labour politicians rushing to promote racist and Islamaphobic policies with a series of speeches and policy statements. Jack Straw made it clear that he felt uncomfortable in his surgery with a Muslim woman dressed in full hijab. The Justice Minister felt safe in denying justice by suggesting that only English should be spoken in private homes. Labour’s record on asylum seekers stands for itself, atrocious and denying of civil liberties to the weakest in our society. Tighter entry restrictions , limiting the availability of work permits and the call by Brown for “British jobs for British workers”, played straight into the hands of racists and fascists.

In analysing the growing threats from the far right, it is first important to remind ourselves what fascism is.

Fascism as a word, has been for too long unscientifically applied to vague uses. The word has been thrown around as an insult to put down a range of people and views, who may be racist, may be dictators, may be reactionary. However it has been used at times with no reference to a scientific class analysis.
When I see the swastika drawn against the Israeli flag on Palestine demos, this shows a total confusion. Even with Israel being a racist state with Israeli fascists holding ministerial office, this simplifies and confuses the debate.
Trotsky analysed the concept of fascism in attempting to awaken Socialists and Communists to the dangers emerging from Mussolini’s rise to power and the threats from the Nazis. He also was attempting to educate the international  labour movement and to challenge the views of the ultra left sectarian positions of the Social Democrats and the Communist Party.
In the 30’s, Stalinists described all Capitalist parties as fascist, and that social democrats were their twin. This Third period view of “social fascists” resulted in obvious dangers and eventual impotency of organised labour movement in the fight against the Nazis.

In 1935, the Stalinists then shifted to Popular Front position, resulting in the subsequent betrayal of the French General Strike and the defeat of the Republican movement during the Spanish civil war.The temporary alliance of the Hitler-Stalin pact merely allowed German militarism to strengthen itself further in the run up to WW2.

With  reference to FASCISM — WHAT IS IT? Extracts from a letter to an English comrade, November 15 1931;printed in The Militant, January 16, 1932, Trotsky wrote:

1. “What is fascism? The name originated in Italy.- The fascist movement in Italy was a spontaneous movement of large masses, with new leaders from the rank and file. It is a plebian movement in origin, directed and financed by big capitalist powers. It issued forth from the petty bourgeoisie, the slum proletariat, and even to a certain extent from the proletarian masses; Mussolini, a former socialist, is a “self-made” man arising from this movement.
2. The movement in Germany is analogous mostly to the Italian. It is a mass movement, with its leaders employing a great deal of socialist demagogy. This is necessary for the creation of the mass movement.
3. The genuine basis (for fascism) is the petty bourgeoisie. In italy, it has a very large base — the petty bourgeoisie of the towns and cities, and the peasantry. In Germany, likewise, there is a large base for fascism….

Trotsky in 1932, described Mussolini’s rise to power in Italy, (HOW MUSSOLINI TRIUMPHED From What Next? Vital Question for the German Proletariat :

  “Through the fascist agency, capitalism sets in motion the masses of the crazed petty bourgeoisie and the bands of declassed and demoralized lumpenproletariat — all the countless human beings whom finance capital itself has brought to desperation and frenzy.”

“– but it means first of all for the most part that the workers’ organizations are annihilated; that the proletariat is reduced to an amorphous state; and that a system of administration is created which penetrates deeply into the masses and which serves to frustrate the independent crystallization of the proletariat. Therein precisely is the gist of fascism….”

AN AESOP FABLE

From What Next? Vital Question for the German Proletariat, 1932  L.Trotsky

* * *

A cattle dealer once drove some bulls to the slaughterhouse. And the butcher came that night with his sharp knife.

“Let us close ranks and jack up this executioner on our horns,” suggested one of the bulls.

  “If you please, in what way is the butcher any worse than the dealer who drove us hither with his cudgel?” replied the bulls, who had received their political education in Manuilsky’s institute. [The Comintern.]

  “But we shall be able to attend to the dealer as well afterwards!”

  “Nothing doing,” replied the bulls firm in their principles, to the counselor. “You are trying, from the left, to shield our enemies — you are a social-butcher yourself.”

And they refused to close ranks.

In writing , “THE FASCIST DANGER LOOMS IN GERMANY From The Turn in the Communist International and the German Situation, 1930”, Trotsky pointed out :

That the, “ gigantic growth of National Socialism is an expression of two factors: a deep social crisis, throwing the petty bourgeois masses off balance, and the lack of a revolutionary party that would be regarded by the masses of the people as an acknowledged revolutionary leader.”

He further stated that, “The policy of a united front of the workers against fascism flows from this situation. It opens up tremendous possibilities to the Communist Party. A condition for success, however, is the rejection of the theory and practice of “social fascism”, the harm of which becomes a positive measure under the present circumstances.”

Socialists have a duty and responsibility today to put all forms of sectarianism to one side and prioritise  the pursuit of principled revolutionary unity. A sense of urgency exists now before it is too late. We do not have the luxury of time and we can not afford to be dilletantes in this matter. We do not want another generation to have to learn the lessons of history yet again. Let us make history. As Marx said, “our role is to change the world”.

So what is fascism? Who are the fascists?

We all know about the BNP , the NF, EDL, the British People’s Party and others. They are all inter connected and have a history together going back to the British Union of Fascists, G.K Chesterton, Colin Jordan, Oswald Mosley, Martin Webster and now Nick Griffin.

What about the R.S.S. and H.S.S. –Indian fascists responsible for the assassination of Ghandi and sectarian attacks on Muslims.

What about  Betar and Jabotinsky , who admired Mussolini and whose supporters in Israel deny Palestinian rights, applying racist policies through a racist state.

Is UKIP a proto fascist party or just a “non racist” nationalist petty Englander party? Perhaps more akin to petty bourgeois nationalism than fascism? There is a thin line between the two but we must not confuse them. Non racist is a polite way of saying “ I am not a racist but…”.

In fact fascism, as we know it, is not just a white English phenomenon. Far from it. Fascism is neither just a loosely used word to be thrown against political opponents.

Fascism emerges as a social-political movement to destroy the independence of the working class. It is the reverse of class consciousness. In fact, many of the fascist leaders in history began their political life from a socialist / left background.

Capitalism is international and fascist movements have international links. Socialists have a duty to combat them both at home and internationally. The Revolutionary Left has to act Internationally to lead the struggle against both Capitalism and Fascism. Paying lip service to Internationalism, whilst pursuing sectarian policies at home, is self defeating. This is the true lesson of the 30’s.

Our priorities must be to ensure that within the anti-fascist movement, we build an anti-capitalist current. We do not just chase the EDL across the country but also build the arguments for Socialism in the working class communities. We continue also to strengthen our ties with the wider ethnic community groups through our anti-racist, anti-fascist, anti-imperialist and anti-war activities.

The Unite and Fight slogan must not be used to argue against the autonomous right to “ Black  and Womens’ self-defence and their right to act autonomously. This is a position Militant, SWP and others traditionally disagreed with as autonomy means the Central Committee can not control.

The slogan of “No Platform” is not abstract nor something that can be imposed. It must come out of the struggle for the self-organisation of the working class and the uniting behind them of wider social forces. This is what strengthens the anti-capitalist nature of the anti-fascist movement. Hope not Hate reduces anti-fascism down to a vote for Labour at the next General Election. Nor do we, or should we rely on the State to ban the fascists. In Harrow , Birmingham and elsewhere, various people are calling for such a ban. We know this will be used against the Left and trade union activists .

“But the responsiblity that there have been disturbances, and arrests today lies squarely with the police. The Public Order Act should have been used to ban this racist demonstration long before today, and especially after the recent violence from the English Defence League in Birmingham. The planned protest by SIOE was a deliberate provocation hoping to cause violence, and the police should have treated it as such from the outset.” – Socialist Unity  11 September, 2009

This position will straight jacket the movement. The forces of the State will turn on the Left and trade union activists before it is used against the fascists. These are the lessons of our own history, let us not forget them.
So what do we do?
Way Forward

1. Build  the UAF. Defend the No Platform position. We do not rely on the bourgeois state to implement a ban. Others such as Labour Cllrs, liberals etc may  do so but the campaign must be linked to strengthening the independence of the working class and its allies. The fight against fascism is also a fight for Socialism.
2. Build an anti capitalist electoral platform based on a unifying and non sectarian programme.
3. Build united fronts around campaigns such as STW etc..
4. Promote, as an urgency, unity talks and promote Conventions of the Left in a non sectarian manner.
5. Build the forces for wider unity, drawing lessons from Portugal, France etc.

 These notes were the basis for Alf Filer’s talk at the Socialist Resistance public meeting in London on November 4th.