Archive for the 'Left debates' Category

Aug 26 2008

Respect has to turn outwards - Alan Thornett

Published by admin under Britain, Left debates, Respect

Alan Thornett is a member of Southwark Respect and sits on the National Council. This is his reply to Andy Newman’s article on building Respect. Both pieces will be published in the next issue of Socialist Resistance as part of the debate around how to take the organisation forward.

The common ground in Andy Newman’s article is the need to build Respect, the significance of the electoral successes it has achieved, and its relevance as the most important left alternative new Labour moves ever more to the right. And it is clear what the response of the new Labour leadership will be to electoral defeat, particularly at a time of severe economic problems. It will be that they had not gone far enough to the right and they had not adopted enough of the neo-liberal agenda.

He seems to want to build it, however, on rather doubtful terrain in which John Cruddas and Compass are the centre of gravity in moving towards some kind of rainbow coalition. This is when it should be looking towards the trade union left, class struggle unions like the RMT, the campaigning activists –– environmental and otherwise –– and others on the left like the CPB who clearly should be in Respect but are still outside. It should also be looking crucially towards those sections of the working class hardest hit by the current economic situation and who urgently need a voice.

The deputy Governor of the Bank of England is one among many to point to the severity of the economic crisis and its consequences.  And the poorest sections of the working class are being hit the hardest by this situation. Unemployment is rising fast and Energywatch has predicted that this coming winter a staggering 5 million household will be in fuel poverty. The average UK household gas bill has risen by 31% this year and electricity bills by 22%.  Food prices have gone up by 25% –– list goes on.  All this is likely to lead to more trade union action on wages and in defence of jobs.

Respect will lose out big time if it has nothing to say about this situation. Those hit by it and those fighting back against it are its natural constituency both in terms of electoral support and for building itself as a party. Some of Respect’s biggest bases of support in inner city areas are amongst the hardest hit in this situation.

From this point of view the strategy presented in Andy Newman’s article –– for building Respect (or not building it as it could be reasonably described) –– points in the wrong direction. Respect should certainly work with organisations like Compass where that is possible as it can with many others but it has to get its principal constituency right.

Andy argues that instead of turning outwards in this way, winning new support, building new branches and strengthening the existing ones, it should concentrate its resources almost exclusively on its voter bases in East London and South Birmingham. Building outwards into other areas or into other sections of the working class is presented as more or less irrelevant.

He sees building a branch in Manchester or Bristol as just about useful whilst elsewhere there is little point. He puts it this way: “Between now and the next election, we should tilt everything towards Tower Hamlets and Birmingham, and the rest of Respect should see our task as mainly supporting them, and being led by their agenda, though we obviously need to continue to develop the small but important roots we have in places like Manchester and Bristol.”

It is an idea which has been advanced with some vigour by Andy and others inside Respect since the formation of Respect Renewal and it makes no sense –– even from a purely electoralist point of view, which is essentially what he puts forward.

The importance of building Respect in East London and South Birmingham and of winning seats there in the general election is absolutely common ground. These bases are essential to the relevance of Respect as an organisation and key to its future success. They represent a breakthrough into important minority working class inner city communities, which no other section of the left has been able to make.

It does not follow, however, that the best way to support and strengthen these bases is by counterposing them to building in other areas of the country and in other sections of the working class – for example the white working class with all its problems. Nor does it follow that the best way to build Respect there is by ignoring what is probably the biggest single problem they face. In any case the idea that Respect can build an organisation in the long-term which is overwhelmingly confined to two parts of two important cities and several minority communities is seriously flawed.

The real way to support these bases and maximise their electoral success is to build Respect outwards. To build viable branches in other towns and cities where it does not yet exist. It is a two-way process. Respect needs to use its success in these bases to extend its reach geographically and socially and then use an expanded organisation to give them the support they need for further and future success.

Of course Respect has to maximise support for Birmingham and East London in a general election campaign. It goes without saying. But what does this mean in practice? There are practical limitations. Respect’s electoral success is in advance of its membership and activist base. In Birmingham it is probably possible for all Respect supporters to pile in and support the target constituency. The same to some extent in London. But what do Respect members in Bristol, Manchester, Oxford, Brighton, Milton Keynes, Southend, Swindon, Dorset or other places where Respect has members or groups of members do? They could make several useful weekend trips to Birmingham or East London during the campaign, which would be very useful support of course, but probably not much more. They need to be building a branch locally at the same time.

In fact the key to winning elections in East London or Birmingham is to build strong branches in those places which can regenerate a strong voice to represent the interests of the area. If a branch is not built locally it hard to substitute from the outside. This is why electoral success has to be used to build active branches of the organisation.

Nor is it obvious that Respect branches in other places should not stand candidates –– in South London for example. It is difficult to build a branch locally, and put down the roots in the local community which are necessary to build something serious, on the basis that the only thing it can do at the time of an election is to go and campaign in East London or Birmingham.

Defending Respect’s existing Westminster seat is very important. But is it the totally make or break issue in the way in which it is being presented? It is always a big issue once you have elected representatives. You have to defend the seats you hold or you have an electoral setback. An electoral intervention is certainly essential, but no left party can guarantee to win seats. It cannot therefore be the only measure of success. In the last general election Salma Yaqoob failed to win her seat but she demonstrated very clearly that she had a major base in South Birmingham, which was then reflected in local government success.

But Andy Newman’s aversion to building Respect branches is not just about electoral strategy, it is about the character of Respect as an organisation. He argues that the ‘traditional left models of branches, resolutions and publications’ are outdated methods and a waste of space. He and other have repeatedly argued that Respect has to get away from these outmoded methods and adopt new methods and new ideas –– though not surprisingly there has been little detail as to what this means.

Everyone is in favour of new ideas of course. Though very few ideas in political organisation are actually very new. In Southwark Respect we not only have regular quite well-attended branch meetings (the August meeting was on Palestine) but a few ‘new ideas’ as well. We have just had a successful gig with Mark Steel and a very good intervention into the Carnival del Pueblo with a leaflet in English and Spanish followed by a successful Spanish language public meeting which established some contacts in the local Latin American community. Earlier in the year we had public meeting with George Galloway on rising fuel and food prices. It was not very ‘new’ but it was very successful. It found a resonance in the local community.

Andy Newman argues that Respect cannot be an ‘off the shelf’ alternative to new Labour, whatever that means. But it does have to present an alternative set of politics to new Labour if it is going to reclaim the ground they have abandoned. This cannot be done on a minimal platform of anti-war and ant-neo-liberalism. Andy ridicules the idea of having policies by saying it is not matter of having ‘correct’ positions. It is not a matter of having abstractly ‘correct’ policies. But it is a matter of having something useful to say about the problems people face and of having a vision of an alternative form of society around which to campaign –– and that means having some collectively agreed polices with which to do it.

No one thinks that Respect is preparing to form a government, or that it can have a policy on everything -–– that’s just another form of ridicule. But how can you present an alternative if you have nothing to say on most of the issues which come up in an election? Sorry - we have nothing to say on the unions, nothing to say on the environment, nothing to say on women’s right, nothing to say on civil and human rights, nothing to say on health or education, we are not that kind of party! To ask the question is to answer it. It would be absolutely bonkers.

Andy argues for Respect to have a vision for Tower Hamlets, and it certainly should. But how can it do this without developing policies on a range of issues on which to base such a vision? The alternative is for the ‘vision’ to be developed in some way other than collectively. Respect should indeed aim to win to take control of Tower Hamlets council but to do it without a developing organisation elsewhere in order to give the backup which would be necessary would be a hostage to fortune. Yes Respect should respond to the South Birmingham and East London agenda, but that means building an organisation which can do so effectively.

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Jul 15 2008

Respect and the city

Published by admin under Left debates, Respect

Richard Hatcher sets out some ideas for how Respect could start to develop policy on the local government level. A version of this article will appear in the September edition of Socialist Resistance.

People see their city, their town, their borough, as a significant context for their lives – it shapes their lives in important ways, and they in turn try to influence and shape it, in the limited ways they can, to meet their needs. At the centre is the municipality, the council, as provider of public services, as employer, and as site of local democracy.

The implication for Respect is that wherever it is trying to build branches it has to have a political project for the city as a whole. (I’m thinking of Birmingham, Manchester, Bristol etc. London is a more complex case but the same principles apply.) In other words, it is more than taking up national issues locally, and more than doing local politics at the level of the ward or constituency, and it is more than taking up specific city-wide issues – a public sector strike, a campaign around a hospital or an Academy – as and when they occur, though of course we should do all of these. It is recognising that all of them need to be integrated into a full spectrum systematic and long-term city-wide strategy.

There are implications for Respect’s electoral work. When we stand in local elections, and where we get elected, we do not do so solely as representatives of and accountable to the voters in a particular ward or constituency. We stand for and are elected to the city council, which means we are involved in taking decisions, or taking positions on decisions, on city-wide policies, and are therefore politically (if not electorally) accountable to the whole city. Though the basic unit of building Respect might be ward or constituency branches, it has to be more than the sum of its parts at the city level. This is not a debate about where we build Respect – i.e. the extent to which we focus on the few areas where we have a chance of getting elected in 2010 - it is a debate about the politics we build it on. A political project at the level of the city is a key element in getting Respect elected, for two reasons. One, because it shows us as serious local politicians and Respect as a serious city-wide party in its political scope and ambition. Two, because many of the issues facing people in the wards and constituencies we stand in can only be addressed adequately at the city level.

That means we have to develop a programme at the level of the city which engages with the various concerns of social groups across the city. In part the programme will necessarily be defensive – against cuts, privatisation etc. But it also has to offer a different and inspiring vision of how the city could and should be. Without succumbing to illusions in ‘municipal socialism’, It has to put forward concrete demands and policies about what should be done now by the city council about such burning issues as transport, crime, youth provision, housing, childcare, urban planning, etc. Take transport as an example: the proposal in Manchester for a congestion charge. This is an opportunity not just to argue for our position (whatever it is!) on congestion charges but to put it forward as one element in a radical vision which might include free public transport in the city and free home-to-work travel paid for by employers. (These are two demands which LCR councillors raise in France – the former is actual policy in a number of cities.)

However, having the right policies is only half the answer. The other half concerns how we think policy should be made. Are we saying ‘just put us in the driving seat and we’ll steer the vehicle in a better direction’, or are we saying that we have an entirely different conception of how local politics should be done, one where the councillors’ role is to work towards empowering citizens through promoting deliberative democracy, collective action and popular self-management?

This aspect of our politics is very undeveloped, but it is crucial at a time when there is profound public cynicism about all political parties and about local government as a whole. This is a problem which Labour itself recognises, in particular because of low turn-outs in local elections and widespread voter cynicism. It is the theme of a number of recent government policy documents, most recently the ludicrously mis-titled White Paper Communities in control: real people, real power (DCLG, July 2008), which ‘aims to pass power into the hands of local communities, to encourage vibrant local democracy in every part of the country, and to give real control over local decisions and services to a wider pool of citizens’. All this is largely empty rhetoric and tokenism, but it is a debate which we need to have alternative answers to. (Academies are a case in point: no mention of them in the White Paper, but Sheffield City Council – Lib Dem – has at least gone as far as announcing that there will be a ballot of parents on any Academy proposal.).

The key principle of ‘doing politics differently’ is of creating spaces in each local authority area in which deliberative democracy can take place about policy issues. The exact relationship of this process of deliberative democracy to the forms of local representative democracy – in particular the city council – is a matter for discussion, and the balance of forces. It needs to be stressed that proposals for democratic participation should not be confused with notions of ‘social partnership’. They are ways of strengthening popular activity and providing a more favourable context for gaining support for radical policies. Their impact would depend not just on the power of argument and popular pressure but on their ability to count on popular mobilisation when necessary.

To give an example, in each local school system we should advocate what we might call an Education Forum. It would be open to all with an interest in education – parents, teachers, other school staff, school students, governors and citizens – though its decisions might be taken only by elected representatives of its constituents. Its purpose would be to discuss and take positions on key policy issues and develop an Education Plan for the local system of schools and colleges. In that context it would discuss and vet significant distinctive policies which a school or college decided it wanted to pursue, in order to decide if they posed problems for social equality and justice in terms of their impact on other schools, thus democratically ensuring local diversity within a common general interest.

One well-known form of local popular participation is ‘participatory budgeting’ (PB). Radical in Porto Alegre, it has now been coopted in a de-radicalised form by Labour in its document Participatory Budgeting: A Draft National Strategy - Giving more people a say in local spending (DCLG March 2008) and in the White Paper Communities in control: real people, real power. Every council has to delegate some funding powers to local neighbourhoods. But radical PB is very different. Its defining feature is that it enables the construction of a collective city-wide general interest out of particular local community interests through a process of deliberative democracy. This is a practical demand here today. There is an interesting example from the LCR in Paris, where tenants on a number of council housing estates held meetings on each estate to draw up priorities for the housing department to implement. They then elected a delegate for each 10 tenants present who met, looked at evidence, and worked out a list of agreed priorities across the estates, which the housing department then drew up a budget for, got it ratified by the tenants, and implemented (see article by Picheral in Critique Communiste 185, December 2007).

What does all this mean for Respect? It needs to do 4 things:

1. Recognise the need for a city-wide political project, including implications for the role of councillors and local elections.

2. Develop in each area a vision for the city, comprising critique of the capitalist city, defence of what is worth defending, and radical alternatives concretised in credible demands for today.

3. Couple that with a vision of doing politics differently, based on deliberative democracy, popular mobilisation and self-management, and again concretised in specific credible demands and alternatives for today.

4. Set itself the medium-term task of gearing itself up to work in this way by developing its own expertise, trying things out, and systematically sharing experiences and ideas across the country.

Richard Hatcher

July 2008

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Jul 05 2008

Respect’s National Secretary on the challenges ahead

Published by admin under Britain, Left debates, Video

Nick Wrack, National Secretary of Respect, spoke in a personal capacity at the Socialist Resistance dayschool on broad parties

 

One response so far

Jul 02 2008

How do we take Respect forward? Kevin Ovenden

Published by admin under Left debates, Video

Kevin Ovenden is a member of Respect’s leadership and works for George Galloway in Parliament. This is a video of his talk to the Socialist Resistance dayschool on the European experience of broad parties.

 

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Jul 01 2008

Green Parties in Europe

Joseph Healey is the Green Party’s International Co-ordinator and the co-convenor of the Green Left. In this talk to the Socialist Resistance seminar on broad parties he surveys the European Greens.

 

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Jul 01 2008

The Dutch Socialist Party

Published by admin under Europe, Left debates, Video

The next video from the Socialist Resistance dayschool features Willem Bos. Willem is a long-standing activist of the Dutch left and a member of the Socialist Party. He spoke in a personal capacity about his experiences in this important and successful party of the left.

One response so far

Jun 30 2008

An invitation to participate in the creation of a new Revolutionary Socialist Organisation

This text was voted on and passed at a meeting in London on Sunday 29th June. A Steering Committee was also elected.

      The purpose of this document is to launch a regroupment process, which will culminate in a conference after a period of discussion. It registers the most important areas of agreement we have achieved at the beginning of this discussion. There are other areas, not included, which will have to be the subject of further discussion.

1. This is a proposal made by members of the International Socialist Group (ISG), Socialist Resistance (SR), a group of former members of the SWP and some independent Marxists not presently in any organisation. It is an invitation to everyone who would be interested in establishing a new revolutionary organisation based on an understanding of the need for Marxists to build a revolutionary organisation and to work for the widest unity of the working class on economic, social and political issues.

2. We propose a regroupment, based on our common traditions as active revolutionary socialists. This proposal emerges from practical collaboration over the recent period in building Respect. We also appeal to independent revolutionaries and new militants to join us.

3. We hope that a process of discussion throughout this year will culminate in a founding conference to be held towards the end of this year.

4. We have a shared analysis of the nature of class society and how it can be changed. Capitalism is an outmoded system which cannot satisfy even the most basic needs of billions of the world’s population. The further advance of humanity and the protection of the environment from catastrophe can only be achieved by the creation of a socialist society.

5. The capitalist state cannot be reformed but has to be overthrown and replaced by a workers’ state. This revolutionary act can only be carried out by the working class, the only agency that can transform society.

6. The emancipation of the working class is the task of the working class itself, acting as a class in its own interests. Socialism cannot be achieved from above by reformist politicians or trade union leaders. The struggle for socialism is international; the struggle of workers and the oppressed everywhere is one struggle.

7. We recognize that capitalism uses the oppression of certain social groups to divide the working class. The organisations of the working class must constantly strive to overcome any divisions by advancing the causes of these oppressed groups. We oppose all forms of oppression and defend the right of the oppressed to self-organization. We support, and will participate in, the struggles against national oppression, women’s oppression, racism and Islamophobia and against homophobia.

8. What existed in the “communist bloc” was not socialism. It was a Stalinist perversion of socialism; a dictatorship that brutally oppressed all political opposition, suppressed workers’ rights and trampled on workers’ democracy. Socialism cannot exist except with the extension of democracy so that the working class collectively takes the decisions about the future of its new society.

9. The dominant ideas of the present society are those of the capitalist class. For the revolution to succeed the most militant workers and their allies have to be organised into a revolutionary organisation which challenges and confronts that ideology with one in the interests of the new socialist society.

10. The revolutionary organisation must be part of the working class and take part in the life and struggles of the working class and the oppressed. It seeks to absorb the lessons of working-class struggles from the past and from today. It must give guidance and perspective to its members in their activity in the workplace, communities and campaigns. Theoretical study and discussion serve as a guide to the practical work of the organisation. In this way we can test our ideas in practice and learn from our experience.

11. Any revolutionary organization must be democratic, including the right to organize around minority viewpoints, but must aim to act in a unified manner. Socialist democracy is the only way to develop a genuine political leadership of the working class and its allies.

12. We believe that the decline of the Labour Party and the disintegration of its mass base present the best opportunity for many decades to build a viable alternative to the left of Labour. The signatories of this appeal have been working together as revolutionaries and with others to build such a party. We believe that the building of a united party of the working class is one of the overarching strategic tasks for revolutionary socialists in this period. The role of revolutionary Marxists in helping to build Respect over the next period will be an important one.

13. We state clearly our commitment to building a revolutionary socialist organisation, which will locate itself in working-class struggle – in the workplace, in the community, amongst the oppressed and in the broad party.

14. We are internationalists, against imperialism and war; we stand for mass action from below in the interests of the working class; we do not set ourselves apart from the working class and its organisations but seek the broadest agreement with others, using the methods of the united-front. Our aim is both to advance the interests of the class and the ideas of revolutionary socialism. To these ends we will explore the possibility of links with other revolutionaries internationally.

15. This document is intended only as a preliminary text. We invite all those who are interested in the ideas outlined above to join us in a process of discussion.

For more information or to become involved e-mail

revolutionaryregroupment@googlemail.com

or visit

http://revolutionaryregroupment.wordpress.com

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Jun 30 2008

The Communist Party’s assessment

Published by admin under Left debates, Video

Ivan Beavis of the Communist Party of Britain speaks at the Socialist Resistance seminar on broad parties. He begins by saying:

He’s not seeking to take power because the role of the Communist Party in Britain was defined by Lenin as that of acting within the mass party of the working class, the Labour Party and within the mass organisations of the working class.

It is Communist Party policy that they should be part of the Labour Party and they were part of it until they were expelled in the 1920s. They do not seek to supplant the Labour Party….

 

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Jun 25 2008

Voices for the working class in the 21st century - agenda

A fascinating day of discussion and debate on building broad left parties across Europe

Saturday June 28th 10.30 – 6.00 ULU Malet St London – nearest Tube Goodge St.

Tickets10 pounds waged five pounds unwaged (two pounds students)

Across Europe working people are looking for a political alternative. Their traditional parties have become parties of the rich. This conference will look at the experiences of socialist from across Europe in building new political voices for the working class.

Opening plenary 11.00

Penny Duggan – LCR.

Miguel Reis - Left Block.

Andrej Hunko - Die Linke.

Angelo Cardone – Sinistra Critica

 

Lunch – 1.00

 

First round of workshops - 2.00

The German experience - Andej Hunko

The Portuguese experience - Miguel Reis

The LCR new party project - Penny Duggan

The emergence of Sinistra Critica – Angelo Cardone

 

Second plenary - 3.30

Willem Bos - Dutch Socialist Party.

Nick Wrack – Respect

Ivan Beavis – Communist Party of Britain

Joseph Healy – Green left

 

Second round of workshops – 4.30

The CPB approach – Ivan Beavis

The Dutch experience – Willem Bos

Building Respect - Kevin Ovenden

Green parties in Europe – Joseph Healy

End 6.00

Speaker profiles

Penny Duggan. Penny is a leading member of the LCR in Paris. She was a recently candidate on the “100% a gauche” list in both local and national elections in the 20th district of Paris. She is involved in the current LCR campaign for a new anti-capitalist party in France and will speak on the current stage of this remarkable campaign and the prospects for it.

Andrej Hunko. Andrej is a member of the board of Die Linke in Northrhine-Westfalia and a supporter of the left-wing current inside Die Linke – the Antikapitalistische Linke. He is a long-standing activist of the German anti-war movement and the movement against public service cuts. He will talk about the importance of the emergence of Die Linke and the way it is developing.

Miguel Reis. Miguel is a leading member of the Portuguese Left Block. He will speak on how this important organization of the Portuguese and European left has been built and successes it has achieved in the electoral and other fields.

Angelo Cardone. Angelo is a member of Sinistra Critica (the Critical Left) which left Rifondazione Communista after it joined the pro-capitalist Prodi government. He will talk both this deeply negative experience and of the success of the Critical Left in establishing itself as an independent organization.

Willem Bos. Willem is a long-standing activist of the Dutch left and a member of the Socialist Party. He will be speaking in a personal capacity about his experiences in this important and successful party of the left.

Nick Wrack. Nick is the National Secretary of Respect. He will be speaking in a personal capacity on the struggle for an effective left alternative to new Labour.

Joseph Healy. Joseph is a member of the Green left and will speak on the European Green parties.

Ivan Beavis. Ivan will be speaking as a member of the executive committee of the CBP on its approach to broad left parties. He is also the circulation manager of the Morning Star.

Kevin Ovenden. Kevin is a member of the Respect national council and works for George Galloway MP. He will be introducing a workshop on building Respect.

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Jun 21 2008

Voices for the working class in the 21st century

Published by admin under Left debates, Upcoming events

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A fascinating day of discussion and debate on building broad left parties across Europe

Saturday June 28th 10.30 – 6.00 - ULU Malet St. London – nearest Tubes Goodge St or Russell Sq.

Across Europe working people are looking for a political alternative. Their traditional parties have become parties of the rich. This conference will look at the experiences of socialist from across Europe in building new political voices for the working class.

Book now: Tickets are 10 pounds waged / five pounds unwaged / two pounds students. Pay to/order from "Resistance", PO Box 1109 London N4 2UU or email contact@socialistresistance.net


Plenary speakers:

Penny Duggan. Penny is a leading member of the LCR in Paris. She was a recently candidate on the “100% a gauche” list in both local and national elections in the 20th district of Paris. She is involved in the current LCR campaign for a new anti-capitalist party in France and will speak on the current stage of this remarkable campaigns and the prospects for it.

Andrej Hunko. Andrej is a member of the board of Die Linke in Northrhine-Westfalia and a supporter of the left-wing current inside Die Linke – the Antikapitalistische Linke. He is a long-standing activist of the German anti-war movement and the movement against public service cuts. He will talk about the importance of the emergence of Die Linke and the way it is developing.

Miguel Reis. Miguel is a leading member of the Portuguese Left Bloc. He will speak on how this important organization of the Portuguese and European left has been built and successes it has achieved in the electoral and other fields.

Willem Bos. Willem is a long-standing activist of the Dutch left and member of the Socialist Party. He will be speaking about the experiences of this important and successful party of the left (in a personal capacity).

Nick Wrack. Nick is the National Secretary of Respect. He will be speaking in a personal capacity on the struggle for an effective left alternative to new Labour.

Joseph Healy. Joseph is a member of the Green Left and will speak on the European green parties.

Communist Party of Britain: The CPB is sending a speaker to introduce on where the CPB stands on the need for a new party of the and on its pamphlet The Fight for a Mass Party of Labour. Name to be announced as son as received.

Kevin Ovenden: Kevin Ovenden is a member of Respect’s national council, and works for George Galloway MP.


Workshops: There will be workshops on: The German experience; the Portuguese experience; the LCR initiative, The CPB approach; the Dutch Socialist Party; building Respect.

Why attend? There is clearly a very interesting and important discussion to be had about experience of building broad left parties.Many socialists have rightly championed the idea of building broad anti-capitalist parties as social democracy have move ever further right. There have been difficulties and setbacks, however. In Brazil the long march of the Workers Party (PT) to the right has culminated with the ‘social-liberal’ Lula government. In Italy Rifondazione Comunista turned away from its championing of the global justice movement and went into a pro-capitalist government, and paid for it with a split and electoral wipeout.
Against these defeat the Left Bloc in Portugal has been extremely successful - maintaining an anti-capitalist perspective and representation in parliament. In countries like Denmark and the Netherlands broad left parties have enjoyed considerable success, as has Die Linke (Left Party) in Germany.
Socialist Resistance has since its formation has strongly argued for the building of a broad anti-capitalist party in England and Wales. It is involved in Building Respect today. But in the context of the new world economic crisis is this perspective still valid? What are the implications for a new party of the left. And what role does ecosocialism have in the perspectives and practice of the militant left? These and many more questions will be raised and discussed at the seminar.


Book now: Tickets are 10 pounds waged / five pounds unwaged / two pounds students. Pay to/order from "Resistance", PO Box 1109 London N4 2UU or email contact@socialistresistance.net

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